By Mekuria Bulcha
“In this article I will present the arguments which in my view express the Oromo claim for sovereignty, that is to say an independent state of Oromia.” Full Text
Introduction
In
the three debate articles I have published on this subject in the course of
this year, I have argued that history and the current situation speak for Oromo
independence assessing the so-called declaration made by a group that split
from the OLF positing that the objective of the Oromo Liberation to form an
independent state of Oromia is “dropped” in favor of a “new democratic federal
republic of Ethiopia”. In the second article I made a call for a declaration of
our preferences and for an articulation of a common vision, and above all, a conviction
that speaks for the sovereign state which our people deserve and are aspiring
for. In the third article I have provided a critical analysis of the arguments being
made by other observers against the formation of an independent Oromo state.
In this article I will present the arguments which in my view express
the Oromo claim for sovereignty, that is to say an independent state of Oromia.
The article starts with the fundamental issue of peoples’ right to seek
independence from a colonial rule and discusses at length issues such as the
right to life, the right to life worthy of human beings, and the right to a
life free from fear instigated by the state and its agents, which precipitate
in general the Oromo quest for sovereignty. At the core of the argument is the
conviction that (a) freedom is an inherent human right which no one has the
right to deny any people and (b) that the Oromo, who, given the bitter experience
of not only a century-long colonial oppression but also of the brazen betrayals
of their trust by Abyssinian ruling elites many times in the past, have no choice
but draw on their rich human and material resources, restore their freedom, and
establish their own sovereign state. In addition (c) the article will answer
the question why having their own sovereign state is crucial for the
Oromo people in achieving social, cultural and economic development.
The article has four
parts including this one. In this one I will show
that the on-going Oromo struggle is not only about freedom but also about
survival as a people and culture. I will describe and analyse the role of
culture in the struggle including the way the Oromo rejection of Ethiopiyawinet (Ethiopian identity) is
expressed culturally. The important but unacknowledged role which Oromo music,
art, literature and culture are playing in promoting Oromummaa (Oromo identity) is highlighted. It argues that art,
music and culture in general have increasingly become the most potent weapons
in the Oromo struggle for nationhood and statehood. The
article demonstrates that the most passionate theme with which Oromo writers,
poets, artists and other agents of Oromo culture are engaged today is bilisummaa—independence. In addition,
the article exposes the futility of the TPLF regime’s effort to kill Oromo
nationalism by imprisoning, torturing and assassinating Oromo artists.
Furthermore, it criticizes the pro-Ethiopia Oromo politicians who are busy
trying to shelter our nation under the shade of a non-existing democratic state
of Ethiopia, instead of paying attention to the aspiration of our people, which
the works of our artists and other Oromo cultural activities express.
The other three parts
of this article will be forthcoming consecutively during the coming six weeks.
A Word on Freedom and Sovereignty
Freedom,
or bilisummaa in the Oromo language,
is a subject which has preoccupied the Oromo since their land was conquered at
the end of the nineteenth century. This is particularly the case of the last
forty years during which the Oromo people have been conducting intensive
political and protracted armed struggle for national liberation. Thousands of
Oromos have died fighting for liberation during the last four decades. Tens of
thousands of Oromos were also jailed, tortured and marked with traumas that
will follow them for the rest of their.
Tens of thousands of them are in Ethiopian jails even now.
The Oromo struggle for freedom is being fought not only with firearms
but also with other means. Thus, Oromo scholars, artists and politicians have
produced all kinds of literature concerning the quest for freedom. During the last
two decades the “war with words” has taken the upper hand over armed struggle,
and the words of Oromo scholars, poets and artist are playing a decisive today.
In fact, Oromo poets and artists have, during the last few years, taken the
frontline and are becoming the leading figures and spokespersons of their
people’s national quest for sovereignty. Even here, the struggle is not without
its casualties; many Oromo poets, journalists and artists have been imprisoned,
tortured and murdered by the present regime.
The list of artists and poets who were imprisoned, tortured, killed or
made to “disappear” or were forced into exile during the last twenty years is
long too enumerate here. In this article it suffices to focus on the
contribution of some of the artists and writers. I will start with the
contribution of Jaarso Waaqo who was one of the well-known Oromo poets and
martyrs of the struggle. What makes Jaarso Waaqo an interesting case is his
background and speed with which his message could spread among the Oromo.
Jaarso had never gone to school. He composed political poetry which he recorded
on cassettes. The cassettes became very popular and were spread in Oromo
communities both in Oromia and Kenya in the early 1990s. Jaarso grew up in the
Borana region of southern Oromia in the town of Moyale on the Kenyan border.
His poetry became an effective means for uniting and mobilizing the different
Oromo communities for the struggle led by the OLF which Jaarso joined in 1991.
The poems expressed feelings of rage against Oromo oppression under the regimes
of Haile Selassie and Mengistu Hailemariam, and indeed the harassment suffered
by them under the present EPRDF regime. Above all the poems advocated unity
which Jaarso believed was the only remedy for the harms being inflicted on the
Oromo under Ethiopian domination.
The following quotation is from “The Poetics of Nationalism” which is a
collection of poems by Jaarso Waaqo translated to English by Abdullahi Shongolo
and published as an article in Being and
Becoming Oromo (eds. Baxter, et al 1996). Jaarso writes:
“Come”, they called us.
If we refused, we would
be killed,
if we came, we would be
flogged.
Was there really any
hope of life for us?
……..
There is no idling away, but to direct your
thoughts
to liberate yourselves
Now patience is no longer tolerable,
it’s time to find an end to servitude,
. ……
Let us unite our strength,
our Great God is there for us, our Great God is there
for us.
As indicated in the quotation, Jaarso tells his countrymen to unite and
get rid servitude. He believes that God is on their side.
Needless to say Oromo poets and artists are not alone in the world in
expressing the popular feeling of this sort against foreign domination. Be it
against domestic oppressors, or alien rulers, popular struggles have almost
always had their artists and poets who express the feelings of the masses. For
example compare the content of the following excerpt from a poem by the Hungarian author, Sándor Petöfi, with the
feelings expressed in Jaarso Waaqo’s piece cited above. Petöfi wrote,
Rise up, Magyar, the country calls,
It’s ‘now or never’ what fate befalls…
Shall we live as slaves or free men?
That’s the question – choose your ‘Amen’!
God of Hungarians, we swear unto Thee
We swear unto Thee -
that slaves we shall no longer be! ….
Petöfi was one of the greatest
Hungarian nineteenth-century authors. Many of his revolutionary works reflected
the Hungarian desire for freedom from the Austrian Empire. His poems in particular symbolized the passion of the
Hungarian people for independence during the revolutionary uprising of the
1840s. One of his poems, Talpra Magyar
(“Rise, Hungarian”), from which I took the excerpt cited above, was written on
the eve of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 and became the national anthem of
Hungary after independence. It is
interesting to see that passion for freedom
expressed in Petöfi’s
poem is almost replicated in Jaarso Waaqo’s poem. Obviously, life in nineteenth
century Hungary and twenty-first century Oromia are worlds apart. However, in
spite of the great differences between the two poets, their aspirations for
sovereignty are similar. Although I cannot go into details here, even the
degree of oppression to which the two artists were exposed differed much. It seems that the Habsburg dynasty who ruled
the Austrian Empire were far more humane in the treatment of their subjects
than the Abyssinian rulers of the Ethiopian empire states have ever been to
theirs. However, the yearnings of the two poets were similar. Both Jaarso Waaqo and Sándor Petöf equate lack of sovereignty with
slavery. With both poets, a life worthy of human beings is at the heart of
their quest. It is not just individual
rights which they claimed but national sovereignty, which is the right of a
nation to assert power over its territory. We know from history that foreign rule is seen nowhere as legitimate: it stirs collective aspirations for
sovereignty wherever it occurs. The Habsburgs ruled an empire and were
considered foreigners in Hungary and in other states which became independent when
the Austrian Empire disintegrated. The one specific thing Oromo poets, dead and
alive, have in common with Hungarian poets like Sándor Petöfi, is the quest for
national sovereignty. Freedom from
colonial oppression in all its visible and invisible dimensions has been the
burning issue that underpinned the struggle of the Oromo for independence.
Conditions that instigate sovereignty claims
There
are at least three major political and historical conditions which have
instigated demands for secession or independence of territories from states or
empires and have set off the creation of new sovereign states in the aftermath
of World War II. The first condition
concerns conquest, annexation and colonization of territories by states or
empires in the past. Thus the European colonial conquest in Africa in the
nineteenth century and in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean before that led
to the creation of numerous new states in the aftermath of World War II. The
indigenous populations who lost their inherent rights of self-government as the
result of colonization were empowered by an international convention underlined
in the Declaration on Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and
Peoples (Resolution 1514 (XV) adopted by the UN General Assembly in December
1960. Many countries which were European colonies in Africa, Asia, Latin
America, the Caribbean and the Pacific region became sovereign states after the
UN had adopted the declaration.
The second condition that justifies the creation of a new
state is a prolonged conflict leading to massive violation of human rights
involving a state and a nation or an indigenous group with a specific homeland
or territory. There is a tacit agreement among scholars, human rights activists
and international statesmen that the creation of new sovereign states would be
justified where such a situation obtains and when no solution is in sight. The
creation of new states during the Balkan crisis of the 1990s, particularly
those of Bosnia and Kosovo, can be cited as an example here.
The third circumstance which
leads to the creation of a new state occurs where inhabitants of a sub-state or
territory show the desire to secede
from a state or an empire of which they have been a part for a long time and
build their own state. This has happened many times in the past and is still
today in progress in some parts of the world. A history of conquest, annexation
and mistreatment is often in the background even here. This
was for example the case of the Ukrainians, the Georgians, the peoples of
Baltic States and others who seceded from the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (in effect from the Russian empire) in the 1990s. However, the immediate reason that stirred the desire for secession
differs from case to case. Although parts of the
Ukraine was under Russian rule for over 300 years, its separation from Russia,
after such a long period of co-existence was motivated to a large extent by sovereignty which Ukrainian politicians
and intellectuals had strived to achieve for a long time. National sovereignty
and national identity are the two
reasons given by the peoples of Baltic States. The separation of former
Czechoslovakia into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993 occurred because
the Slovak nationalist demanded their own sovereign
state. The fact that Slovakia was less developed and less prosperous than
the Czech region did not prevent them from making such a decision. The decision
was not opposed by the Czechs.
Today there are a number of nations around the world that are aspiring
to build their own sovereign states using both violent and non-violent methods.
To mention some of them, Scotland’s quest for an independent state, dissolving
a three centuries long union with England, is instigated by Scottish aspiration
to live under the umbrella of their state. The Scots will use the ballot box to
achieve their goal. So will the Catalans who are conducting a political
struggle to separate from Spain of which their territory was a part since for a
long time. The French-speaking Quebecois who will secede from the rest of
Canada will also use the ballot box. Today the Kurds are waging an armed
struggle against Turkey to establish their own state of Kurdistan rejecting the
identity which the Turkish state will impose on them.
The Oromo experience
Ethiopian
Colonialism, and the atrocious violation of their human rights which is the
legacy of a colonial conquest, are the main grievances that stir the struggle of the Oromo people for an
independent state today. The Oromo have been waging a sustained political and
protracted armed struggle to build their independent state since the early
1970s. By and large, they have rejected Ethiopiyawinet
or Ethiopian identity which the Ethiopian rulers have been trying to impose on
them. To understand the Oromo claim to an independent state it is necessary to
put it in a historical context. I will not go into the debate in any detail
here. I will start this discussion by briefly pointing out the link between the
Oromo claim to sovereignty and the conquest and colonization of their country
by the Abyssinians in the nineteenth century. I will point out the fact that
the application of the term “colonialism” to the Abyssinian conquest and
annexation of the Oromo country is controversial particularly among the
Ethiopian ruling elites. What is controversial is the nature of the conquest:
whether it was colonial or not. What is relevant to our discussion here is when
and why the controversy arose.
Behind the denial of
Ethiopian colonialism
That the Oromo were conquered by the Abyssinians is a fact which nobody
denies. That the time of the said conquest coincided with the European scramble
for Africa is also not contested. The
Ethiopian ruling elites started to deny the colonial origins of the Ethiopian
Empire because following the end of World War II, to be called colonialist
became not only unfashionable but even a violation of the spirit of the UN
Charter of 1945. It meant giving up a colonial possession when freedom was claimed
by those who were colonized. Therefore, the Ethiopian ruling elites were quick
to start denying the colonial nature of their late nineteenth century conquest
of the south once the question of colonial territories came up on the agenda of
the UN. In fact, Haile Selassie was worried about the Oromo who were demanding
independence from Abyssinia (that was what Ethiopia was called in mass-media
and diplomatic documents) before the UN Charter was declared.
There are several events which had caused Haile Selassie’s worries and
which are on record as such. I will mention here the two most important ones.
On the eve of the 1936 Italian invasion of Ethiopia, the Western Oromo
Confederation was established under the leadership of Habte Mariam Kumsa, a
member of the Bakare royal family and governor of Wallaga, sought recognition
unsuccessfully from the League of Nations. Five years later, following the
collapse of Italian occupation in 1941, the Oromo petitioned the British who
were involved in driving the Italians out of Northeast Africa, to form their
own independent state. Although the Oromo demand was supported by British
officers who were assigned to Abyssinia, the British government reinstated
Haile Selassie on his throne in 1941 and the Oromo came under the
Abyssinian-cum-Ethiopian colonial rule once again. Alerted by these Oromo
demands, the Abyssinian ruling elites started to raise their tone of denial as
soon as the de-colonization of Africa started in the late 1950s. Emperor Haile
Selassie championed the formation of the Organization of African Unity and his
well-orchestrated anti-colonialist politics played also an important role in
hiding the colonial history of his empire. However, the denial efforts did not
silence the Oromo and the other colonized peoples. They continued with their
struggles against Ethiopian colonial occupation.
The Abyssinian-cum-Ethiopian colonization of the south, which was a
tabooed subject for political or academic discourse, was raised first by the
Ethiopian Student Movement of the 1960s. One of the events which brought up the
“colonial question” for student debate was the Bale Oromo uprising of the
1960s. Since then it has been discussed widely. However, the debate did not go
beyond a few slogans about the history of colonialism which were tossed back
and forth to prove or disprove the colonial nature of Abyssinia’s participation
in the scramble for Africa. But, today any objective historian who has an
adequate knowledge of Ethiopian history and an adequate grasp of the history of
colonialism at large cannot deny the colonial nature of the Abyssinian conquest
of what is today southern Ethiopia.
To underscore the relevance of colonial argument in the ongoing Oromo
claim for independence, I will highlight
a few important points to show that the Oromo situation under Abyssinian rule
is similar to the situations of other African peoples when they were under
European colonialism.
In the first edition of her book The
Government of Ethiopia (1948, reprinted
1969), Margery Perham wrote “The provisions in the United Nations Charter
for the direction of international interests upon all ‘backward’ people who
have been annexed to empires of foreign rulers, which have been willingly
accepted by Great Britain, would seem to apply with complete propriety to
regions and people conquered by Menelik.” Perham was referring to the UN
Charter of 1945 of which Ethiopia (which was at that time known as Abyssinia)
was a signatory. Chapter XI (Article 73) of the Charter requires that countries owning or administering colonies “to
take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist
them in the progressive development of their free political institutions." That is to say the Oromo and the other peoples who have been annexed to
the Abyssinian Empire created by Menelik have as much right to realize their
political aspirations as other African peoples who were colonized by European
powers at the same time.
As indicated above, Perham wrote her book before the colonial nature of
the Ethiopian Empire became controversial. Although she mentions the UN
Charter, it does not mean she was an anti-colonial agitator. She was suggesting that
if Great Britain can do that regarding its colonies, Ethiopia can do the same.
It is important to note that Perham did not see colonialism negatively. She entertained the view that colonialism,
including its Abyssinian version, was progressive. Although she was critical
about the excesses of Abyssinian colonialism, she admired Emperor Haile
Selassie’s effort to spread the Amharic language and assimilate the Oromo into
the Abyssinian Christian culture. As her use of the phrase “backward people”
indicates, in her opinion, the colonizers were “civilized” and will “civilize”
the colonized.
Perham was not alone in holding the view described above. In fact, in
those days, owners of colonies, including the Ethiopian ruling elites, were not
only very proud of their status as conquerors and colony owners, but saw
themselves also as benefactors of the colonized peoples. They saw themselves as
moral superiors with the right to rule and “guide” the “natives”. In his book Ethiopia: Power and Protest (1996) the historian Gebru Tareke, himself from
the colonizing north wrote, “Exhibiting different manners and habits, the new
rulers were not without pretentions to a ‘civilizing mission.’ They tried much
like the European colonizers of their times, to justify the exploitability of
the conquered peoples by stressing the historical inevitability and moral validity
of occupation.” One can say, they were basking in the glory which the colonial
powers of the day were enjoying. Abyssinia was the only African power in the
colonialist club.
As the Swedish historian Norberg stated, Menelik was not only able to
demonstrate to the European powers that he was also ‘a legitimate colonial
power’ in the scramble for territories, but also behaved as an owner of
colonies. It is important to recollect
here that Menelik entered the race for colonies as an Italian proxy and broke
with them after he became emperor of Ethiopia with the death of Yohannes IV in
1889. It was then that Menelik sent his
famous circular letter of 1891 declaring that he too was “a legitimate colonial
power”. At that point Menelik was strong enough to revoke the Treaty of Wuchale
defying the Italians, who ironically were sending arms to him even after he
revoked the treaty, hoping that he will remain loyal to them and help them
build their colonial empire in the Horn of Africa. Finally, however, the revocation
of the treaty led to the battle of Adwa and the defeat of the Italian forces.
The Distortions about
Adwa
The victory at Adwa is taken for victory over European colonialism and
imperialism. That a black African force had defeated a white European army at
Adwa in 1896 is beyond doubt. But the representation of Adwa as an
anti-colonial war and the victory as African victory over colonialism is an
atrocious distortion. Menelik relinquished the role he was playing as an Italian proxy at the battle of Adwa
and became a member of the colonialist club in his own right. Colonialism lost
color there and then. One can be white, brown or black and own a colony if one
can fight for it. The European mass media of the time reported that fact. The Spectator of 27 February 1897 for
example reflected the British view of the matter stating that, although
Menelik, his queen, and his generals care little for human life “this native
dynasty of dark men”, nominally
Christian is “orderly enough to be received into intercourse with Europe.” The
European colonial powers recognized ‘the dynasty of dark men’ as their junior
partner in the scramble for colonies.
Back from Adwa, Menelik continued his competition with the British for
territories in the south and southwest. It is interesting to note here that now
he not only got rid of the status of proxy in the white men’s competition for
colonies in Africa, but he could even employ white men as his proxy in the
expansion of his colonial domains. Thus, in a letter he wrote on the 7th
of June 1897 he told the Russian adventurer Count Leontiev “…by this letter I
inform you that it is my wish to appoint you forever over the land on the limit
of which you open. So as to pay for your losses we will give you as much as
five years gratis; but after that, if in the land you have opened be found any
gold, silver, ivory or coffee ….so shall you pay your tribute. This land on the
limit that I give will be on the south side of Ethiopia” (cited in Greenfield
and Hassan, “Interpretation of Oromo Nationality”, Horn of Africa, Vol. 3(3), 1981). Count Leontiev and his men became
Menelik’s proxy, albeit their investment in the conquest of the Baro River
valley in the southwest did bring them much profit. Thus, Menelik could successfully
compete with Europeans in the business of empire-building in the continent,
particularly after his victory over the Italians at the battle of Adwa.
The whole story about the battle of Adwa is not written yet. The
circumstances under which the peoples of the south such as the Oromo, who were
conquered in the 1880s and the Walaita who were conquered by Menelik two years
before the battle of Adwa, participated in the war are not mentioned. Did they march north to
fight against Italian colonialism voluntarily? What had happened to them after
the war is never raised in the story. Were
they rewarded for their contributions in the victory over the Italians? I will
not delve into details, but the answer to both questions is ‘NO’! They were
captives who were forced to march north and become cannon-fodder. The “reward”
for their participation was the confiscation of land and slavery which
characterized Abyssinian colonialism. Thus the Oromos and the Walaita who
participated in the battle of Adwa did not win any victory over colonialism for
themselves. They helped a black colonialist power in the scramble for colonies
with white colonialists. They were the target and victims of the competition
which Menelik won. That is why I call the simplification of Menelik’s
engagement in the battle of Adwa as an anti-colonial drive, and his victory as
African victory over colonialism an atrocious distortion. Simply, it is not
true.
The war was between two
colonizing powers over colonies in the Horn of Africa, the Italians and the
Abyssinians, whose leader Menelik, as mentioned above, ironically was armed and
entered the race for colonies as a proxy of the former. That the distortion is
sold by the Abyssinians to the rest of the world should not mean the Oromo
people should accept the colonial situation as a historical accident and call
ourselves Ethiopians. The fact that Menelik had outsmarted the Italians, or
that the rest of Africa has taken pride in the victory at Adwa as their victory
over colonialism and racism should not mean we should repress or forget the
memories of the genocides committed against the conquered peoples such as
Oromo, the Kaficho and Gimira. Since I have dealt with the subject at length
in, “Genocidal Violence in the
Making of Nation and State in Ethiopia”
(African Sociological Review Vol. 9(2), 2005) I will not go into that here. It suffices to note
that, as participants in the scramble for colonies, the crimes against humanity
which the Abyssinian had committed does not weigh less, if not more, than the
crimes committed by the Belgians in the Congo and by the Germans in Namibia. In
short, what the victory at Adwa led to was the recognition of Abyssinia as “a
legitimate colonial power”, to use Norgberg’s articulation, and not the
protection of Africans against colonial genocide. Both Britain and France
negotiated and signed agreements that delineated colonial borders with
Abyssinia.
Although the colonial makeup of the Ethiopian empire was proved beyond
doubt there are politicians who think that it is possible to deprive the Oromo
and the other conquered peoples of the right to self-determination by keeping
on denying the fact. They believe their obstinate denial of Ethiopian
colonialism will render the Oromo demand for an independent state meaningless.
They will reduce the Oromo national demand for freedom to what they call the
“demand of a few power-hungry Oromo elites” ignoring the experience and
grievances of the Oromo and other colonized peoples at large. However, this did
not give the expected result of weakening Oromo feeling about their national
identity or their claim to national sovereignty.
Since the Oromo opinion and experience of the Ethiopian conquest is well
covered in oral traditions, in songs, travelers’ notes, and in numerous other
documents, I will not go into details. Here, it suffices to note that, for the
vast majority of the Oromo people, Ethiopia is not only a colonial construction
built through conquest, but that it is also being experienced as such. The
Amhara have a saying: yewaggaa biresa,
yeteweggaa ayrasaam (“he who inflicts harms may forget, but he who is hurt
never will”). The saying applies to the Oromo who share collective memories which
were passed down from past generations who had experienced the conquest.
In addition, the memories of conquest are being reinforced by the
atrocities of the present regime. Oromia is still a killing field for forces of
the Ethiopian regime. Thousands of Oromos are still being killed every year by
Ethiopian security forces of the present regime. This is no news. Oromo
property rights are not respected. It suffices to mention here that millions of
Oromos are displaced from their farm and pasturelands which are leased or sold
to local and foreign contractors by the present regime. Although their
ancestors were dispossessed of their
land at the end of the nineteenth that did not lead to their displacement from
their homes and communities; they stayed as gabbars
(serfs) of the landlords who owned their lands. They stayed at home. Those
whose land is being confiscated today are uprooted and displaced. The loss they
incurred is not only economic but also social.
Colonialism has no color or nationality; therefore English, French or
Abyssinian colonialism is colonialism. The colonial makeup of the Ethiopian
state is captured best by the Swiss conflict researcher Christian Scherrer of
the Hiroshima Peace Institute, who noted that, ‘European and Abyssinian
colonialism occurred simultaneously, pursued similar interests, albeit from
differing socio-economic bases, and this was reinforced by comparable colonial
ideologies of the idea of empire and notion of “civilizing mission” and the
exploitation of the subjugated peoples.’ The Oromo quest for independence is
informed by that history and more.
Ethiopia was a colonial empire not only in its origin but also in conduct. It
is from this colonial structure and conduct that the Oromo people will free
themselves.
To sum up, although Menelik
had used Oromo resources to win the battle Adwa, he confiscated their land and enslaved the Oromo, although Oromo farmers
have been feeding the country while their families were made to starve; while
their Oromo coffee and gold have been earning hardy currency for the Ethiopia
sate during the last 130 years, the Oromo have been sinking into abysmal poverty
continuously; although Oromo athletes have, since Abebe Bikila won the first
Ethiopian Olympic gold medal in Rome in 1960, been winning nearly all of the
medals Ethiopia had earned in Olympic Games and other international
tournaments, Oromo identity has been denigrated and the people have been
disrespected.
The question is, will it be surprising if the Oromo people feel that the Ethiopian state
is as colonial and hostile to them as it was to their ancestors? Is it
surprising that the perpetual atrocity, of which the violation of human rights against
them by the present regime is a continuation, deepening the cleavage between
the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state?
Is it surprising if the Oromo feel that they are treated not as
respected citizens but as denigrated subjects of the Ethiopian state and reject
Ethiopian identity? Is it not human, and shouldn’t it be legitimate, to struggle for an independent Oromo state
as the other African peoples who, rejecting
the colonial identities imposed on them by Europeans, struggled and established
their independent states during the last fifty years?
Oromo
Rejection of Ethiopian Identity
The depth of the cleavage between the Oromo people and the state of
Ethiopia is clearly reflected in Oromo music, Oromo literature and the revival
of Oromo cultural traditions. It is said
that ‘nations are felt and lived communities whose members share a homeland and
a culture.’ Its culture, language and territory make a nation distinct.
Colonialism will not only dispossess a people of its homeland and control its
resources, but will also destroy its culture and language. It will erase what
makes the colonized people different and unique. It will make them forget their
past and their history, and gradually that they are a people. The result of
such a policy is known among scholars as ethnocide:
killing a nation without committing genocide or its physical destruction.
Success in the use the Qubee: Oromo Literacy
Strengthens Oromo National Identity
Because
they had aimed at the destruction of the Oromo language, the Ethiopian regimes
did not see any purpose or logic to adopt the Geez characters called fidel in
Amharic to Oromo sounds. Literacy in
the Oromo language was banned by law. Since they were forbidden to read and
write in their own language, the Oromo did not try to adopt the fidel to the sounds of their mother
tongue. That does not mean they did not try to write in their language in one
way or another. But they were persecuted when they tried. I will come back to the opposition the Oromo
had encountered as they tried to write their language in the 1970s and 1980s
and present obstacles to the development of Oromo literature at present at home
in Part 3 of this article. Here it suffices to point out the evolution of the qubee which came not only to
revolutionize Oromo literacy but also constituted
an important symbol which added a new dimension to the politics of identity.
The events that led to the development of Oromo literacy are well known
to most of us who have been following the development of the Oromo struggle
during the last forty years: the Oromo had to take up arms and defend their
rights among which the right to use their language without interference from
the Ethiopian regime was one. They were able to develop Oromo literacy as
guerrilla fighters in the bushes inside the country, and as refugees abroad.
For that they used an alphabet created by the Oromo themselves based on the
Latin alphabet. The decision was inscribed in the Political Program of the OLF
of 1974 (see English version amended in 1976) which under Article VI (section C
no. 5) declared to “adopt the Latin alphabet for the Oromo language”. The
adopted alphabet came to be known as “qubee”.
Few people outside the members of
the front believed in the practicality of the project for more than a decade.
In fact, before 1991, those who came across or heard about materials which the
Oromo produced using the qubee
alphabet were amused by the audacity of those who were developing Oromo
literacy using the Latin alphabet in the bushes and in exile dismissing it with
derogatory remarks. It is true that, the task which the Oromo nationalist had
undertaken to achieve under very difficult circumstances without material
assistance from an organization or a government was a very challenging. Above
all, the possibility of bringing the qubee
home to the people also seemed non-existent. The Oromo were under the control
of a regime which commanded the largest military force in sub-Saharan Africa.
That, together with the overwhelming firepower it had built up, made its grip
on the country to look unshakable. Therefore, it was not surprising that the
Oromo nationalists’ dream was a cause for the skeptical mirth of spectators.
However, the lighthearted sarcasm of the Amhara elites about the qubee and the grip of the military
regime on the country were short lived.
The result of the struggle over Oromo literacy became what both friends
and enemies never imagined. The Ethiopian ruling elites, particularly the
Amhara, who hitherto had dominated the political and cultural life of Ethiopia,
did not think this could happen. What happened did not transpire even in their
worst nightmares. The appearance of signs in qubee characters on official buildings, public institutions and the
premises of private business was shocking, particularly to those who thought
that the fidel, which, after the
Crown and Orthodox Christianity was the most important symbol of Ethiopian
nation, could never be challenged or that the Oromo or any of the subject
peoples could use another alphabet and develop literature in their language at
such a speed as the Oromo did in 1991 and 1992.
The “shock” which the Amhara elites felt was depicted by Ben Barber
(1994) who wrote that before 1991 “fidel,
Amharic’s unique alphabet, graced official signs around the country. But
because the Oromo who have now started to use their language preferred “to
express their language in Latin characters”, the fidel is disappearing from the Oromo country. He wrote that, to the
Amhara “the rejection of the Amharic culture by the Oromos, and the
disappearance of thousands of Amharic signs from Oromo lands, and their
replacement with Oromo language written in Latin script have been deep and
shocking blows.” Indeed they were. They never thought that Oromo literacy could
revive and spread with the uncontrollable speed which it had registered in
1991-1992, or that an Ethiopian regime would allow the Oromo to use an alphabet
other than the Geez characters to
transcribe their language.
As many of us may remember, the initial surprise felt by the Amhara
elites was followed by frantic activities opposing the use of the Oromo
language and the demonization of the qubee
alphabet. This was particularly the case of the Orthodox clergy whose struggle
against the Oromo alphabet was expressed in grotesque and senseless actions.
They labeled the qubee “the devil’s
script” (see Thomas Zittelmann’s article: ‘The return of the Devil’s tongue:
Polemics about the choice of the Roman alphabet for the Oromo Language’, Oromo Commentary vol. 4(2), 1994). They refused a Christian burial to a young
girl who was involved in a literacy campaign using the qubee in Caancoo, a town about 40
kilometers north of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa).
Another incident in which the clergy were involved took place during the
timket (Amharic for epiphany)
festival of the Ethiopian Orthodox of 1992. In such celebrations the Orthodox
clergy, followed by their congregations carry the tabot (a tablet that symbolizes the Ark of the Covenant) of their
various churches out for a day. On one of the timket festivals, the Orthodox clergy of a certain St. Mikael
Church in central Oromia tried to involve divine powers in their war against
the qubee alphabet: they told their
congregation, of whom the majority were Oromo, that there was a divine curse
against the Oromo alphabet and that their tabot
was refusing to return to its place in the church unless the “devil’s” alphabet
(qubee) is removed from the country.
The Oromo majority who were participating in the timket festival did not believe what they were being told was the
“wish” of St. Mikael, but a hoax invented by the clergy to turn them against qubee. They went home leaving the clergy
and the tabot behind. Shocked by the
action of the people, which was clearly in favor of the Latin alphabet, the
clergy carried back the tabot to its
church.
There were even those who thought Oromo parents would reject not only
the qubee script but also education
for their children in afaan Oromoo because of social mobility for their
children: the argument was that Amharic allowed for social mobility whereas the
Oromo language did not. Naturally, the
Oromo people welcomed literacy in their language with great happiness. Barber had interviewed an Oromo farmer
in a village on the outskirts of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) about the change from
Amharic to afaan Oromoo who told him
when asked his views: “Who hates his own?’ said one farmer with a smile
creasing his worn face. ‘We love it. We have begun to practice our culture:
what we forgot and what was repressed. The farmer told Barber: “Now three of my
children are in school and learn in Oromo.” These
words express both a sense of liberation from an imposed oppressive sociolinguistic
situation and the pride which this Oromo peasant felt in his language. The rhetorical question ‘Who hates his own?’ expresses also a rejection of the dishonour
which, hitherto, was attached to afaan
Oromo and its speakers.
Like the farmer mentioned here, the enthusiasm which the Oromo have
shown for education and public administration in their language was enormous. They discovered a new glory in the print elevation of the language they
had humbly spoken at home. As millions of other Oromo who like this farmer
welcomed Oromo literacy with jubilation, the nationwide support to Oromo
nationalism became obvious immediately. A phenomenal increase of enrolment of
schoolchildren throughout Oromia within a few years proved the readiness which
the Oromo parents had to accept the qubee
alphabet and their children’s education in their own language. The cynicism
directed against the qubee alphabet was
silenced once for all.
Thus, the assertion of Oromo national identity was strengthened by the
unexpected “arrival” of the qubee
characters in the capital city in 1991 followed by the subsequent nationwide
use of afaan Oromoo as the medium of
education, administration and law throughout Oromia. As the sociologist Lorraine Towers has stated in her
doctoral dissertation the qubee, in providing an instrumental means to
modern communication, has itself become highly symbolic of the legitimacy and
authority of afaan Oromoo in the
modern learning environment. Towers rightly notes also that together with the odaa
tree, the qubee became a “resonant
symbol of the Oromo polity asserting the unity of all Oromo” and that it is “a
printed alphabet that is as much a celebration of Oromo cultures, traditions,
and identities, and an assertion of their place in the world of modern literacy
and learning.” The symbolic significance of the alphabet
was marked in many Oromo poems and artists who write and praising its role in
bringing afaan Oromoo out of
illiteracy. It would be strange if they didn’t, because the implementation of
Oromo writing in qubee was an act
that epitomized the resurrection of Oromo language from “a century of colonial
neglect.”
The territorial demarcation of Oromo territory, with Oromia as its name,
even concretized the image of their homeland in the minds of the Oromo. Like
the qubee, the name Oromia also
became controversial. For a long time its use as the name of the Oromo region
was avoided by the Ethiopian mass media and most Amhara elites. Instead, they
used Kilil Arat (Region Four) a term
which was given to the region by the TPLF government. However the name which,
as will be discussed in a while, was already known to millions of Oromos
through the songs of Oromo artists and radio stations based abroad, it was
popularized quickly by Oromo mass media which started to flourish and by artists
and writers who began to sing and publish in Oromia immediately after the fall
of the military regime in 1991.
To sum up the discussion in this section, based on the experience gained
in the implementation of the qubee
script, there are a number of important observations that can be made about the
Oromo struggle. The first is that perseverance
has its rewards. The OLF started implementing the idea of using the qubee in Oromo writing under very
difficult circumstances but could achieve its goal. The dedication and
determination of its members was rewarded. The second observation concerns organization and leadership. The quick
implementation of Oromo literacy in 1991-92 showed the Oromo thirst for
freedom. The voluntary participation of teachers in the preparation of text
books from scratch in every subject within a short time for millions of
schoolchildren showed their dedication to the cause of freedom. The
implementation of afaan Oromoo as a
medium education in all schools throughout Oromia within a year was a
remarkable achievement. It proved that the Oromo people are capable of
achieving any collective goal including the establishment their own sovereign
state if they are properly organized and led.
Music, Poetry and the Oromo Rejection of
Ethiopiyawinet
Oromo
songs, both traditional and modern, are part of the Oromo oral tradition. Oromo
artists are story-tellers. They sing about past events and heroes. They narrate
myths often relating them to the present situation. Oromo heroes are recalled
when the security of the group or nation is threatened by outsiders. Stories
about historical events are narrated to emulate victories or avoid mistakes.
The genre called geerarsaa deals particularly with such
narratives.
The contribution of art, music and culture to the development of Oromo
political consciousness is not properly recognized yet. That the work of the
artists has been crucial in the cultural and political awakening of the Oromo
people is beyond doubt. It has revived and enriched the Oromo culture and
contributed immensely to the development of Oromo nationalism. The Oromo are
fighting now, not with firearms, but with culture. The cultural battle waged by
Oromo artists, as I will show later, has its casualties. However, the regime in
power in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) cannot outgun them as it did against the OLF
in the confrontations of the early 1990s. The cultural ammunition is
inexhaustible. It is not imported; it is homemade.
By and large, there has been an upsurge of cultural expressions since
the mid-1970s. In June 1976, notwithstanding the
opposition from members of the government, groups of young men and women from
all over the Oromo country converged in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and staged a
two day-cultural show at the Ethiopian National Theatre. In many ways, the show
revealed the strength of Oromo collective memory and the emotions which it
could arouse. The suppressed feelings which the event brought out was a great
surprise for many observers, particularly for the military junta, who, took
measures to punish the actors and suppress Oromo nationalism to which the event
gave an expression. However, the other side of this development became an enhanced rejection of Ethiopiyawinet, albeit this is not
always expressed in words.
During the last forty years, numerous songs that glorify the Oromo
struggle for liberation have been written and sung by artists. These songs do
not mention Ethiopia and when they do mention it, it is to condemn its regimes.
They depict the life they wish for their people and express the hope the artists
see in the future of their homeland. The poets and the artists glorify the
beauty of their motherland and admire the bounty of her natural resources. They
convey a great sense of pride in Oromummaa—an identity of which the Oromo
were made to be ashamed under Ethiopian rule. Ethiopiyawinet—Ethiopian identity— is a subject which Oromo music
does not raise at all. Thus, reading Oromo literature or listening to Oromo
music I haven’t come across a narrative or heard a song in afaan Oromoo that praises Ethiopia as “my fatherland” or
“motherland”. But there is a long list of songs and poems condemning the
deprivations which the Oromo people are experiencing as colonial subjects of Ethiopia’s
Abyssinian ruling elites. Colonialism degrades, and it is not surprising that
Oromo artists will not glorify Ethiopia. I have not come across a work of an
African poet or artist that glorifies British, French or Portuguese
colonialism. For Oromo artists, to praise Ethiopia is to accept humiliation,
degrade Oromummaa and confess
surrender.
Today, the Oromo claim to an independent Oromo state is expressed
through the works of artists who have become the spokespersons of the Oromo
nation. The artists have access to the Oromo masses listening to them and have
a greater influence on Oromo political preferences than any group of activists.
Therefore, I will discuss briefly the role of music and art in the Oromo
struggle for liberation and their rejection of Ethiopian identity in this
section of the article.
One of the earliest freedom songs written after the 1976 episode in
Finfinnee was a poem written and sung by Tahir Umar, who was an Oromo refugee
in Djibouti in 1981. In it Tahir expresses his aspirations for freedom and the
natural beauty of his homeland. Like Jaarso’s poem mentioned above, Tahir’s
song was communicated to his audience orally: it was chanted and recorded on
audiotape and spread to an Oromo audience within and outside the Horn of
Africa.
What makes Tahir’s contribution remarkable is his panoramic description of
the entire Oromo country taking his audience from one region to the other,
leading them from one big river to the next one and looking across the horizons
from different mountain tops that majestically dot the beautiful homeland of
his nation. That homeland is Oromia, not in Ethiopia. The chanting was done by
a group of refugees: the title—Yaa Rabbi
nu bilisoms! Biyya keenyatti nagaan nu galchi (“O God, lead us to freedom! Take us home to our country in peace”)—constitute
a chorus and was repeated by a group after each stanza or section of the poem
is sung by the leading singer. The song was a history text, a lecture in
geography, a narrative about life in exile; it is everything about the Oromo
but not about Ethiopians.
Tahir is not the first or the only artist to express the agony of his
beautiful homeland under Ethiopian occupation. Bilisummaa (freedom) has been the main theme of many Oromo songs
since the 1970s, and hundreds of lyrics were written or sung also by veteran
Oromo artists such as Ali Birraa, Elfinesh Qanno and Nuho Gobaana, giving vivid
insights into Oromo culture and history.
In my view, this is very important because the unwillingness of the
artist to include Ethiopia in the narrative indicates lack of emotional
attachment to the name and what it stands for. The omission was a sign of a
strong rejection. All the beautiful places and great mountains and rivers are
in Oromia in the mind of the author of the poem. Ethiopia is an imposed name a
political “reality” that can change. It is Oromia to which the refugees who
chant the poem will return.
That territory is vital in the definition of nationhood is widely
acknowledged by scholars. For many Oromo artists, mixing up Ethiopia with
Oromia or vice-versa will amount to distorting Oromo national identity. By
separating the two, they are defining the nationhood of their people and, of
course, their identity. Oromia is not in Ethiopia, but the Ethiopians had
conquered Oromia. For example, when they were singing “O God, lead us to freedom! Take us home to our country in peace”,
Tahir and his fellow refugees were thinking about Oromia, not Ethiopia which
they associate with the Abyssinian empire. Thus, Ethiopia is not the name of
their country. It is the name of an empire from which they are struggling to
free themselves. They did not entertain the idea of being Ethiopians. They are
free now and will return as freemen and women to a free homeland called Oromia,
not to Ethiopia. “Oromia shall be free!” was the most popular slogan printed on
T-shirts worn and souvenirs produced and distributed by Oromos abroad in the
late 1970s and 1980s. The feeling is not unique to Oromo refugees. It is shared
by refugees who flee from foreign domination everywhere.
Writing about the West Saharan refugees who lived in camps in Algeria in
the 1980s, Jon Lee Anderson in his book Guerrillas:
Journey in the Insurgent World (1992) wrote “These Saharawis are no ordinary refugees, but
believers in a dream fostered by the Polisario Front. Anderson writes that “The
dream is to see their homeland become in reality what they have already
declared it to be: the ‘Saharan Arab Democratic Republic’, their own state
flag, national anthem, prime minister, Cabinet, and most important of all,
citizens: themselves, the Saharawi people.” Needless to stress here that this
is also more or less the feelings that Tahir and his fellow Oromo refugees were
expressing when they sang “Yaa Rabbi nu
bilisoomsi, nagaan biyya keenyatti nu galchii!” in the 1980s.
The geography of Oromia which was described in Tahir’s 1981 song has
been elaborated in many different ways by other artists whose music was heard
by millions of Oromos since then. His rejection of Ethiopia as the name of his
homeland was strengthened by other artists such as Ali Birraa who sang Anis biyyan qabaa (“I have a country
too”), Nuho Gobaana’s Yaa biyya too
(“My country”), and most recently by the contributions of Hailu Kitaabaa who
sings Nu biyyi keenya Oromia, essatti
beekna Itiopiya (“Our country is Oromia, we do not know Ethiopia”), as well
as Hacaaluu Hundeessaa’s Oromiyaa tiyyaa (“My
Oromiya”), Dawite Makonnen’s Oromiyaans biyyaa (“Oromia is also a
country”). All these artists and their songs depict Oromia as a colonized and occupied
country, and talk about the Oromo people as a stateless nation in need of their
own state. They call for the liberation of their people and country. Their
authentic messages reach millions of Oromos almost every day. I see their
messages are authentic and clear, because
they express what they see and feel, which is also what the Oromo masses who
are listening to their music see and feel.
Tahir, and many of the Oromo refugees mentioned above, might have
returned home after 1991 to stay or just for a visit, but most of them did not
go back as Ethiopians but as liberated Oromos, and for them the family home
they returned to is not in Ethiopia but in Oromia, even if the latter is not
yet a free country. It is interesting to note that this feeling is even shared
by millions of Oromos at home who have silently rejected Ethiopiyawinet without walking away from the state that will impose
it on them. This silent rejection is a perplexing problem not only to the
Ethiopian ruling elites, but also to the pro-Ethiopia Oromo political
organizations. The explanation for the OPDO’s failure to attract Oromo support during
the last two decades is not only its junior partnership in the TPLF dominated
EPRDF party and government, but also because of the Ethiopiyawinet which underline its position on the question of
Oromo independence.
What is said above explains partly even the failure of the independent
Oromo political parties which took part in the parliamentary elections. Although there is no study on the
subject as far as I know, I do not think EPRDF repression and fraud alone are
the explanations for the failure of both the Oromo Federalist Democratic Party
and the Oromo People’s Congress to win even a single seat in the federal parliament
during the elections of 2010. It seems that their partnership in the coalition
called Medrek had its share in their loss of the seats they had during the
previous session. Their association with the centrist parties that constitute
the Madrek coalition seems to have disappointed their constituency.
During the last two decades Oromo music has developed into a literature
of combat reaching every corner of their homeland and Oromo diaspora
communities around the world, calling on Oromos to fight for existence as a
nation. Oromo music shows one of the characteristics which Fanon has ascribed
to a literature of combat. A literature of combat according to him “moulds the
national consciousness, giving it form and contours and flinging open before it
new and boundless horizons”
The creation of modern combat literature which had contributed in
building up Oromo national consciousness started with songs from the 1976 show
in Finfinnee of which was Elifnesh Qannoo’s Geerarsa
was one. Several of the bands which participated in the show even toured the
different Oromo regions at that time. The 1980s passed without such events. The
1990s saw the explosion of Oromo music.
Ebbisa Adunya’s ABO (“OLF”)
and ABO jabeessa (“Build up the OLF”)
from the 1990s, Dirribee Gadaa’s Geerarsa
(a patriotic song), Hirphaa Ganfuree who sings Ka’i lammi koo (“Rise up my people”) and Dawite Makonnen’s Oromiyaanis biyya are some of the
example. These patriotic songs are commentaries on the state of the Oromo
struggle putting it in a historical perspective. While the focus of Ebbisa’s
and that of his female counterpart Dirribee’s songs is the shame of bowing to
oppression and is a call on the Oromo to struggle for freedom, Hirphaa Ganfuree
and Dawite Makonnen persuade the Oromo not to give up the struggle because of
difficult times such as the present one when it is opposed not only by external
forces but is also betrayed from inside. These artists are opposed to both
cowardice and political opportunism, a behavior which is not rare among Oromo politicians.
Many of the Oromo combat songs will awaken the collective memory of the
Oromo people. There are also those which call upon them to restore the gadaa, the ancient democratic political
and socio-cultural system. It is important to note here that none of the Oromo
songs or artists is against any group or people. They express Oromo protest
against injustice. They call upon the Oromo people to combat the atrocity imposed and perpetuated by a colonial and build
a free state of their own. Their opposition to Ethiopian oppression is not to
build a state exclusively for Oromos or where Oromos are the only citizens.
They express an aspiration for an Oromo state which can defend the rights of
its citizens including non-Oromos. They express what Fanon called “a will to
liberty” and not a hate toward other human beings. Hence, that they reject Ethiopiawnet, or being Ethiopians, does
not mean that they hate those who are
Ethiopians. The songs express Oromo nationalist feelings and nationalism which
aspire to emancipate the Oromo and do not
aim to oppress or hate others. What the artists say to their people and
others who can listen to their music is simple. They say that “we Oromos must
be the masters of our destiny.” They say “we should not allow others make or
unmake us, be it our neighbors or the big powers.” Their sole demand is respect
for their human rights as individuals and a nation which is also the core claim
of Oromo nationalism.
It seems that
most of the Ethiopian political elites are aware of the Oromo attitude
concerning Ethiopian identity and know Oromo claim to nationhood and statehood.
However, their reaction to Oromo nationalism has varied according to the
resources they commanded in terms of political power. We can categorize them
into camps today: the Tigrayan regime and the Amhara political groups in
opposition.
The TPLF, the party dominating the present regime, started undermining
Oromo nationalism when it formed the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization in
1990 to oppose the OLF. Although the TPLF formed a coalition government with
the OLF in 1991, it resorted to the use of violence against members and
supporters within a few months after it had consolidated it power. Its actions
revealed that the coalition was entered to buy time to establish itself in
Finfinnee and consolidate its dictatorship over Ethiopia. It declared war on
Oromo nationalism. As noted by many commentators, the TPLF published an article
in its organ Hizbawi Adera (Vol. 7(4)
1997) declaring war on Oromo ‘educated elites and capitalist class’ labeling
them Ethiopia’s worst enemies. Since then thousands of Oromos have been killed,
kidnaped and made to “disappear” and tens of thousands are rounded up and thrown
into some of the filthiest prisons on earth.
The declaration has resulted in the crackdown on Oromo university- and
secondary school students which led to the imprisonment and death of many young
men and women and the suppression of the Macca-Tulamaa Association. It also led
to the extra-judicial killings, and the disappearances of tens of thousands of
Oromos.
As part of the war against Oromo nationalists, the regime’s security
forces have, during the last two decades, staged dozens of cross-border raids
into the neighboring countries of Kenya and Somalia and hunted down, kidnaped
or killed thousands of Oromos including many Kenyan citizens.
It is quite clear that Oromo music and art art opposed to the
undemocratic rule of the present regime. Oromo culture in itself is opposed to
undemocratic political culture. Besides the concern for their own rights and
the welfare of their people, the Oromo artists also express that culture.
Therefore they have been a category targeted by the TPLF regime as its worst
enemy from the beginning.
The list of Oromo artists who were imprisoned and tortured, kidnapped
and killed or made to “disappear” since 1992 is long. It suffices to mention
the names of some artists who were brutally murdered or are kidnapped and made
to “disappear” during the last two decades. Among male Oromo artist who were
assassinated were Ebbisa Adunyaa, a gifted guitarist and vocalist who was
gunned down together with his friend Tana Wayessaa in his home in Finfinnee in
August 1996, Usmayyoo Muusa who died from damages he had incurred in an
Ethiopia prison cell where he was kept in isolation and tortured for eight
years, Bonsiso Caalaa and Himee Yusuf who were murdered in 1996 and 1997
respectively. Among female vocalists one can mention Kulani Boruu, Sabbontuu
Barentu and Ayyaantu Borana. The three young artists were murdered in 1997.
Among those who were kidnapped and “disappeared” in 1996-7 were Jireenya
Ayyaana, Daraartu Boona, Adem Waaqee and the poet Fufaa Dhuguma (see Sagalee
Haaraa (see Oromo Support Group’s occasional reports and the reports of Amnesty
International and the Human Rights for the list of the numerous Oromo artists
who were killed, made to disappear or have been jailed during the last two
decades).
Torture survivors have witnessed the horrible treatment of prisoners in
Ethiopian jails and concentration camps. As the brutal mental and physical
torture, to which artists such as Usmayyoo Muusa and Kadir Martuu were exposed,
shows the human rights abuses perpetrated in the Ethiopian security prisons
against Oromos, particularly to those who are popular among their people are
horrifying (Ayyaantu, March, 6, 2012). Ethiopia has notorious name for being
one the countries that imprison most journalists in the world. What is not
known is that there is no country on earth that has killed or imprisoned so
many artists as Ethiopia is doing under the present regime.
It is not surprising that our artists became one of the most affected
groups. As articulated aptly by the young scholar Kulani Jalata, in a paper she
presented at the 2009 Annual Oromo Studies Conference at the Georgia State
University in Atlanta, “Oromo artists have creatively developed revolutionary
Oromo music to further advance and disseminate Oromummaa—the manifestation of Oromo identity, culture and
nationalism.” In the process many of them have sacrificed their lives.
Many of the Oromo artists who
were released from Ethiopian prisons during the last two decades are in exile
today sacrificing their family lives and in many cases even their careers. As
mentioned above, the intention of Ethiopian regime is to deprive the Oromo
nation of its talented members including artists. However, the imprisonment and
assassination of artists during the last twenty years did not arrest the growth
of Oromo arts and music. Martyred artists, cultural workers, and writers are
replaced by new ones. There is no doubt that the reviving Oromo culture will
sustain the development of Oromo nationalism. It is a culture of over thirty
million people. It is deeply rooted in their history.
Those who belong to the opposition, particularly the Amhara political
elites, are not less hostile to Oromo nationalism than the ruling Tigrayan
elites. They lack power to take physical action against Oromo nationalists and
are therefore limited to verbal demonization
of the OLF. The most reactionary elements amongst them represent the OLF as an
organization created to commit genocide on the Amhara people. However, the
majority seem to entertain the hope that the Oromo will soon change their minds
and become “loyal” Ethiopian citizens. The illogical belief that the
international community is opposed to Oromo independence is another factor that
keeps their misconceived hope alive.
Even recent activities by pro-Oromo political organizations seem to have
strengthened their hope to come back to power in Finfinnee. For example, the
jubilation of the Amhara political groups and media commentators when a section
within the Jijjirama group declared their vision of “New Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia” in January this year reflected such a hope. The politics
of the recently formed group called Oromo Dialogue Forum (ODF), which also
posits that the Oromo claim for an independent Oromo state is outdated and
should be dropped, seems to have a similar effect.
However, the changing character of the Oromo national struggle for
liberation contradicts the beliefs of the Tigrayan regime and the hopes of the
political parties in opposition as well as illusions of the pro-Ethiopia Oromo
political groups. Today the Oromo people’s struggle for a sovereign state is
driven and sustained not only by organized groups or political organizations as
such, but to a great extent also by Oromo culture, which in reality is
organizing and unifying the Oromo masses into a self-conscious nation.
Culture Takes the Lead in the Fight for Oromo Freedom
Frantz Fanon, in a speech which was titled “Reciprocal Bases of National
Culture and the Fight for Freedom” and which he gave at the Congress of Black Writers in 1959,
emphasized that “It is the fight for national existence which sets culture
moving and opens to it the doors of creation. Later it is the nation which will
ensure the conditions and framework necessary to culture.” The two
co-exist.
The reciprocal nature of cultural and political nationalisms is well
known. That the suppression of the Ethiopian state and the hostility of its
agents and institutions against the Oromo culture and language have been
directed against Oromo nationalism is quite evident. Thus, since a nation and
its culture intermesh, the destruction of a culture and language is a
destruction of their bearers or ethnocide
as mentioned above. The attempts made
by the Ethiopian state to destroy the Oromo culture and language did not
achieve the envisaged result. The Oromo people have resisted ethnocide and their culture is
resurrecting with an insuppressible force now. Although the OLF under whose
banner the Oromo people have reasserted their identity and struggled for
national sovereignty has been weakened by internal conflicts, its objective of
re-establishing an independent Oromo state is not abandoned. The idea has
become successively deep-rooted and well anchored in popular consciousness,
because the Oromo masses have become its custodians with determination. The
idea of national sovereignty is firmly established in their collective
consciousness. It is a legitimate claim that won’t be abandoned.
The observation made by the Scottish theorist Tom Nairn in his book The Break-up of Britain (1972) about the
elites of the colonized periphery is applicable to the Oromo. He wrote that the
elites of the colonies “had no guns, no wealth, no technology and no skills to
match those of the imperialists. But they did have one asset.” That one asset,
he asserted, is people which “proved
a potent weapon.” The elites, he said, mobilized ‘the people’ and “invited them
into history, writing the invitation card in their own language and culture,
and channeling their ‘mass sentiments’ into national resistance movement.” That
was what had happened in Oromia in 1991-92. As I have indicated in my previous
article, the Oromo people accepted instantly the “invitation card” which was
written in afaan Oromoo, and have
made gradually the formation of an independent republic of Oromia, their
own objective. Today, they are
channeling their sentiments in a national resistance armed with a common
culture.
The role of culture in this national resistance is reflected among other
things in the annual celebration of the colourful irreecha
(often also spelt irreessa) Thanksgiving festivals on the shores of Lake
Harsadee 50 km south of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). In the past, irreecha
festivals involved the participation of just regional groups. Today the
participation has increased to the national level and the number of people, who
gather from near and far to participate in the irreecha ceremony held at
this site on the last Sunday of September or the first Sunday of November every
year, runs into hundreds of thousands. Participation in the festivities of irreecha is open to all, irrespective of
religious beliefs and ethnic background. The ceremony involves not only the
spiritual activity reflected in prayers for nagaa, peace and fertility,
but also the performance of socio-cultural activities such as eebba—blessing
and araara –human reconciliation with Waaqa, and reconciliation between those who are in conflict, are
blended
The spontaneity with which this and other Oromo cultural traditions have
come back to life during the last two decades tells a story which the Ethiopian
ruling elites did not expect. The policy of Oromo assimilation into Amhara
culture and language is defeated and the majority of the Oromo people feel a
sense of cultural identity different from that which the Ethiopian ruling
elites tried to impose on them. The ongoing Oromo cultural revival has become a
means for both the expression of Oromo unity and the national claim for
sovereignty.
Normally, the irreecha is a
non-political festival. However, the million irreecha gathering held on the shores of Lake Harsadee (Horaa) in
recent years has reflected even a sense of political consciousness that pervades
the huge festival. The rich symbolic resources of the Oromo gadaa culture that are borne by the
multitude painted on their clothes and tattooed on their bodies, as well as the
banners and cultural artifacts they carry marching together in a total harmony
that is difficult to expect from such a crowd, reveal the pride which
participants have in their culture and identity. The collective memories of the
nation are reflected in the words and manner of the young artist Galaanee
Bulbulaa who sings Irreecha irreefanaa
(“We Shall Celebrate Thanksgiving”).
The symbolic significance of Galaanee’s song is strong. What makes it
strong is the authenticity reflected in the way it is communicated to the
audience by the young singer and the connection it suggests between the social
and the natural environment. Galaanee’s captivating youthful innocence and her
spontaneous effortless performance reflect an inborn sense of being one with
the social and natural environment around her. The way she touches the water
with the green grass in her hand, stretches her hand both to the sky (God)
together with the beautiful natural scene across the lake constitute a strong
representation of the world view of the Oromo people as reflected in the
traditional Oromo religion—that we are at peace not only with God, but with nature,
and with ourselves. But at the same time
Galaanee’s song express a predicament that the Oromo people should overcome: to
recover a “lost” culture. She sings Kottaa
ni hirreefannaa, aadaa bade deeffannaa (Come let us celebrate
“Thanksgiving, let us revive our lost culture”). In general, the words and
gestures of the youthful artist do not call the audience for a combat; after
all irreecha stands for thanks giving
and not conflict. However, they awaken what the British
cultural theorist Raymond Williams called “structures of feeling.” The Oromo
say kan gara kee keessa jiru garaa koo
keesas jira to mean the same thing. The structures of feeling (or kan garaa kessa jiru…) express both
feelings and thoughts that are collectively felt and shared, and that in the
case of dominated nations like the Oromo make claim for cultural or political
rights. Structures of feeling are expressed in public speeches, in songs, different
forms of literature, and indeed in collective actions such as demonstrations. At
the irreecha festival all of these
forms of expressions were present.
The presence of the aged, both men and women who attired in traditional
costumes, and carrying ritual sticks—bokkuu
and siiqqee—the symbols of power and
justice of the gadaa system decorated
the march which reflected the authentic Oromo tradition. This authenticity is
articulated not only in the words spoken by the elders and sung by the artists
but also expressed in the peacefulness of the gathering of millions of people.
Oromo nationalism is reviving and thriving in the fertile soil of rich symbolic
cultural resources that have come to the open since the 1990s. The array of
national symbols such as the odaa
tree which decorate the costumes worn by men, women and children, the siiqqee, the bokkuu and other pre-colonial pan-Oromo symbols carried by men and
women at the festival represent and reinforce the pride of the nation and unite
the multitude gathered for the festival through a common imagery of shared
memories, myths and values—in other words the shared structures of feeling.
Writing about the West Saharan struggle against the Moroccan state,
Anderson stated: “The Saharawis consider themselves to be the
citizens of a sovereign nation, and in many ways they are just that. After all,
perceived reality is its own reality.” He notes that “the Saharawis have
adopted the trappings of national
sovereignty (my emphasis) in the form of an emblematic series of martyrs,
slogans, and symbols that express their revolutionary and ethnic identity. Andersons
states that “The most potent of these symbols is the national flag, a red star
and crescent moon superimposed on three horizontal bars of black, white, and
green, running into a red triangle.” He adds, “Like a designer label, ‘RASD,’
the Spanish acronym for the state, is stamped on women’s saris, written in
large letters on walls, and even woven into woolen rugs”. The Saharawis were
doing this in exile. The Oromo are doing the same both in exile and at home
today.
The political significance of irreecha festival
Normally, the irreecha
festivals are organized as cultural activities and not a political gathering.
Today, what is very significant about the festival is that hundreds of
thousands (millions according to the information given by participants) men and
women are gathered in Bishoftu from all over in Oromo to uphold a culture that
was denigrated, despised and suppressed for about a century, wearing its most
potent symbols that are common to all Oromo. The way this annual pan-Oromo
festival attracts and gathers participants suggests to us the way the ancient jila pilgrimage to Abba Muuda which was
undertaken by thousands of representatives from the different gadaa federations had occurred. The
effects of the current festival in Bishoftu and gathering at the muuda sites are similar.
The jila pilgrimage was
religious and political undertaking at the same time. Those who travelled on
foot for months every eighth year to the muuda
shrines, from regions which are far apart, were drawn together by a myth of
origin from one ancestor, Orma. This was reinforced by a common language, a
common religion through a strong attachment to their Abba Muuda, and a common system of law, a shared attitude toward
the natural world as well as their democratic character gave the Oromo the
sense of a single people. The muuda institution maintained the unity
of the Oromo nation until it was banned in 1900 by Emperor Menelik. Although the purpose of the march to Lake Harsadee in Bishoftu today is
not exactly the same with those which stimulated the pilgrimage to the muuda shrines in the past, the effects
are the same. Like the jila gatherings
at muuda shrine, the irreecha festivals establish a sense of
belonging to a single nation among the different branches of the Oromo nation.
The awareness created by the irreecha
festival is even stronger for the following reasons: it is annual and it is
covered by the mass media which takes the festival home to millions of Oromos
who do not participant physically. In a way they also participate in the
events. The imagination of their national community is more vivid and concrete
than it had ever been in the past.
The festival refutes many of the distortions spread by Ethiopianists
who, as I have discussed in my latest book, The Contours of the Ancient and Emergent
Oromo Nation (Bulcha, 2011), posit that the Oromo
“have never had a sense of collective identity based on popular
memory” and that they do not have a collective
consciousness “rooted in myths and symbols.” It
refutes the contention that the present Oromo struggle for an independent state
has no popular support and that Oromo nationalism is a project of the
intelligentsia and will not attract the ordinary Oromos. It counters the argument which says the Oromo did not possess
a sense of belonging to a single societal community shared important
past experience and a common historic destiny. The extraordinary enthusiasm with which irreecha and other Oromo cultural traditions are being celebrated by the Oromo masses
shows not only the vibrancy of Oromummaa,
but also that the Oromo are a people who have a tradition that
is capable of bringing together millions of people in one place to practice a
pan-Oromo culture with such unbelievable peace and harmony.
The irreechaa festival
reflected that the majority of the Oromo people feel a sense of cultural
identity different from that which the Abyssinians have tried to impose on them
for more than a century. The spontaneity with which Oromo cultural traditions
are coming back to life and are colorfully celebrated as soon as the
century-old suppression lifted tells a story that contradicts the programs of
pro-Ethiopia Oromo political organizations. For example, one of the striking
things about the irreecha festival is
that no one was carrying an Ethiopian symbol in the crowd while Oromo symbols
abound. That shows the rejection of Ethiopiawinet.
It is possible to say that the sentiments of the crowd at the festival
represent the sentiment of the Oromo nation.
The intriguing question which pro-Ethiopia Oromo political organizations
or groups such as the Oromo Dialogue Forum (ODF) seem to have overlooked is
whether it is possible for the Oromo people to drop the symbols of their nation
and take up the symbols of the Ethiopian state, say the flag, or at least
combine the two and make them part of the Oromo national identity or not. Even
if they will accept the combination, when and how can we arrange a condition
that will convince our people to accept the suggestion? If they do not accept
the combination, should we get rid of Oromo nationalism or Ethiopian
nationalism? How? Or can two mutually antagonistic nationalisms be reconciled and survive in one state
together? Or are the Oromo people being invited to engage in a conflict, the
end of which is uncertain? These are intriguing questions which the
pro-Ethiopia Oromo groups in general seem not to have thought about or have
chosen to ignore.
I will come back to the politics of pro-Ethiopia Oromo political
organizations in one of the forthcoming parts of this article. Here it suffices
to say that the politics of these groups, particularly that of the ODF, seems
to have overlooked the development I have described in this article concerning
the role of Oromo culture, literature and music in shaping Oromo attitude to Ethiopiawinet. Preoccupied by the effect
globalization may have on our struggle, the members of the ODF seem to have
been less concerned about developments internal to the society.
The Oromo feelings for the revival of their culture have surfaced on
several occasions in the past. Here, the cultural show of 1976 at the National
Theatre in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and the attempt made to revive the gadaa tradition can be mentioned. Those
expressions of Oromo culture, which had surfaced in the aftermath of the 1974
Ethiopian revolution, were suppressed immediately by the Ethiopian military
regime. The present cultural development has proved insuppressible. However, it
wouldn’t be surprising if the present regime will attempt to ban the irreecha festival next year. However,
that cannot stop the course of Oromo nationalism. The component parts of Oromo
culture are many and the spectrum of Oromo cultural activities is broad. The suppression one of its parts is
not going to stop the other from functioning as instruments of the national
struggle.
As I have argued above regarding developments regarding Oromo
literature, arts and music, the Oromo people have adopted the program of bilisummaa and are geared
psychologically for independence. Hence, It is unlikely that they will submit
to those who will force or advise them to abandon the objective of the OLF.
Colonial denigration, exploitation, poverty and endemic famine is driving the
majority of our people progressively, albeit imperceptibly, to an open
conflict. The recent development in literacy, electronic mass media and music
have made more compact and easy to organize. The vigor reflected in the
cultural sector and among the post-1991 qubee
generation indicates the situation has become more conducive for the Oromo
national struggle for independence than it has ever been.
Concluding remarks
To summarize the main points covered so far in this article,
irrespective of what one chooses to call the genesis of the Ethiopian Empire
and state in tandem of the Scramble of Africa, Oromo rejection of the imposed
identity of Ethiopiyawnet—Ethiopian-ness is a reality.
The struggle led by the OLF was neither organized for the only reasoning
of removing Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam from power in the 1970s nor was it
fought to overthrow his successor, the late Meles Zenawi, during the last
twenty years. It is to achieve freedom, not in a piecemeal manner
envisaged by pro-Ethiopia Oromo politicians and the external forces will advise
Oromo politicians often patronizingly, but to demolish the shackles of
colonialism once for all through total liberation and achieve the rights which
are proclaimed in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights.
The politics of
pro-Ethiopia Oromo political organizations is in conflict with this national
objective. In essence it invites the Oromo people to engage in a never-ending
struggle with Ethiopian nationalism. Ethiopian nationalism is not going to give
up and dissipate because the Oromo want democratize Ethiopia; nor will Oromo
nationalism disappear. The Oromo struggle is a
product of anti-colonial grievances. It aims to build a sovereign state that
respects and protects the security of its citizens. It has produced thousands
of heroes and heroines who died while fighting for that objective. Tens of
thousands of men and women have been imprisoned and tortured for years by
Ethiopian regimes. Thousands of Oromo women have been raped. Those who have
been kidnapped and assassinated or made to “disappear” during the last two
decades are counted in thousands. As Marina and David Ottaway (1978) have
stated in their book Ethiopia: Empire in
Revolution, the Oromo “never derived any advantage from being Ethiopian
subjects.” They have incurred a traumatizing loss which can be repaired fully only
in an independent Oromo state and under a democratically elected Oromo
government.
By Mekuria Bulcha
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